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Abstracts

AB, CDEF, GHIJ, KL, MNO, PQR, ST, UVWXYZ

Veremeeva, Natalia
von Zitzewitz, Josephine
Voronina, Olga
Voronkova, Anastasia
Wells, David
White, David

White, Stephen
Whitmore, Sarah

Wilson, James
Wright, Alistair S.
Yagodin, Dmitry

Young, Sarah J.
Yurchuk, Yuliya
Zabortseva, Yelena

Zimmerling, Anton
Ziolo, Karolina

Zvereva, Vera

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

BASEES Conference

Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge, UK

27 – 29 March 2010

 

Abstracts

U-Z

 

Rotman, David and Veremeeva, Natalia
The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP)/Eastern Partnership (EaP) and Belarus: ‘the odd one out’?
Based on nation-wide surveys, focus-groups, elite interviews and school essays conducted in Belarus during 2008-9, the paper sets to investigate the progress and difficulties in the development of the Belarus-EU relations, through the ENP and EaP perspectives. The paper will proceed in four sections. Section one provides a brief historical overview of the Belarus-EU relations, accounting for various difficulties and problems Belarus has experienced on the path leading towards building a reciprocal and trustworthy cooperation. Section two discusses particular progress made by Belarus in the process of building relations with Europe (following the ‘boundary-politics’ framework set in the first paper). Third section examines existing difficulties and obstacles in facilitating this cooperation, from the Belarusian perspective. In particular, the section examines the role of geopolitics (the Russian factor, Belarus’ multi-vectored foreign policy, the lack of EU membership aspirations, etc) and culture (public and elite perceptions; awareness; attitudes/values and expectations) in the Belarus-EU relations. The paper concludes by discussing the future prospects for the development of the Belarus-EU relations, and objectives that Belarus sees as essential for making the ENP/EaP effective and appealing for the participating sides.

von Zitzewitz, Josephine
The ‘Virtual Museum of the Gulag’
The Virtual Museum of the Gulag (VGM) is a web project created by the Research and Information Centre “Memorial” in St Petersburg. It is designed to redress the absence of a central museum of the Soviet penal system by uniting, in virtual space, exhibitions and objects relating to the Gulag that are kept in over 300 remote regional museums in Russia and the former member states of the USSR, as well as burial sites and traces the Gulag left in land- and cityscapes. This presentation introduces the basic version of the VGM, i.e. the database of virtual exhibits, which will ultimately function in Russian, English and German and explores various ways of creating interactive virtual exhibitions with these unique materials.

Voronina, Olga
Polyphony and Narrative Distortion in Mikhail Bulgakov's The Master and Margarita
The Soviet State in the 1930s sought to usurp and monopolise public discourse in all areas of life striving towards ideological homogeneity and orthodoxy. Regarding the church as one of the strongholds of organised resistance the young Soviet state launched a vigorous anti-religious campaign under the pretext of enlightenment of ‘backward’ Soviet population. In an attempt to discredit the church and to rationalise religious belief the state-sponsored movement circulated a series of anti-religious works stemming from the European Bible-Babel debate. Participants of the debate controversially saw the roots of Judaism in ancient pagan Oriental mythologies and variously regarded Jesus Christ as a mythological or as a historical human figure. Echoes of this controversy can be found in the opening chapter of Mikhail Bulgakov’s The Master and Margarita. The Moscow narrative strand famously engages with the mechanisms of state repression and discourse regulation by tracing the fates of the Master’s novel about Pontius Pilate and Ivan’s poem about Jesus Christ. However, it is the ancient Yershalaim strand of the novel that addresses these issues on a subtler level by depicting Yershalaim as a site of distortion and falsification of narratives about Yeshua Ha-Notsri, Bulgakov’s Christ figure. My paper addresses the problems of coherency and accuracy in the representation of Yeshua. I explore the notion of narrative polyphony in the Yershalaim strand which codifies resistance to the attempt of any single voice to impose an atheist or any other ideological orthodoxy and to monopolise the production of meaning.

Voronkova, Anastasia
Late-Soviet Ethno-national Mobilisation as Contentious Politics: The Case of Nagorno-Karabakh
This paper examines the process of ethno-national mobilisation and radicalisation in the Armenian-Azeri conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh in the South Caucasus in the late 1980s. It uses insights and research findings from comparative work on ethnic conflict, social movements and contentious politics in an attempt to explain how latent communal divisions in this case were transformed into violent conflict. By answering the question above I seek to address one of the key puzzles in the study of ethnic conflict – why did some communities engage in violent mobilisation while others did not? I advocate a multicausal theoretical approach to ethnic activism that demonstrates how strategies of mobilization are enabled or constrained not only by political institutions but also by the shared cultural perceptions and collective definitions of the groups involved which are used to justify collective action. The necessity for this arises from the dissatisfaction with static explanatory models that tend to fall on either side of the traditional structure-agency debate without – for the most part- trying to reconcile structural and agency-related variables. Building on the ‘contentious politics’ framework I outline the tenets of a more dynamic approach and illustrate it with reference to Nagorno-Karabakh. Unlike most analyses of this conflict which typically abstract from the differing values, identities and interpretations of the participants, this paper attempts to explicitly engage with this deep interpretative divergence and to highlight the positions of the conflicting parties themselves. I utilise interview data, documentary and press material collected during fieldwork in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh.

Wells, David
Merezhkovsky’s “Simvoly” and the Early Development of Russian Symbolism
One of the most prominent landmarks of the emerging Symbolist movement in Russian literature was Dmitry Merezhkovsky’s 1892 collection of verse, Simvoly (Symbols). As Valerii Briusov was later to note, this was one of the first works to challenge the prevailing positivist tradition and to embrace the themes, cultural preferences and broadly mystical view of the world that determined Russian literary thinking for the next three decades. Merezhkovsky is normally seen as a writer concerned with the didactic expression of complex religious and philosophical ideas, and indeed he largely abandoned writing poetry by 1900, turning his attention rather to the more expansive genres of literary criticism and the novel. While Simvoly embodies the ‘mysticism in content’ and (more problematically) the ‘use of symbols’ which Merezhkovsky identified in 1891 in his lecture ‘O prichinakh upadki i o novykh techeniiakh v sovremennoi russkoi literature’ (On the reasons for the decline and on the new trends in contemporary literature) as two of the three planks of the ‘new art’, the third plank, ‘stylistic impressionism’, very largely eluded him. Nevertheless, there is evidence that when preparing Simvoly, Merezhkovsky did in fact pay a good deal of attention to questions of poetic form. This paper examines the verse structure, architectonics and imagery of Simvoly to suggest that his contribution to the early development of Russian Symbolism is more complex and further reaching than is sometimes acknowledged.

White, David
Political Opposition in Russia: Dead, Dying or Dormant?
Throughout the Yeltsin period opposition parties flourished and, despite Russia’s imbalanced institutional arrangements, were able to influence policy and provide some checks and balances on unbridled executive power. Under Putin, however, effective opposition was all but completely eliminated. Some opposition parties were co-opted by the Kremlin to perform a role of obedient, ‘loyal’ quasi-opposition. Those opposition forces unwilling to play by the regime’s rules found themselves marginalised and frozen out of the political process. The elimination of political competition and the sidelining of effective opposition is a key factor in explaining why the process of democratic consolidation in Russia has now stalled. The failure of opposition parties can be understood both in terms of endogenous factors, such as organisational failings and strategic errors on the part of the parties themselves, and on exogenous factors over which opposition parties have little or no control (for instance, Russia’s institutional design and the huge imbalance in resources).
In 2005, Vladimir Gel’man referred to the Russian opposition as a ‘dying species’. This paper, based on recent fieldwork and drawing on comparative analysis of opposition strategies in one-party dominant regimes, searches for signs of life amongst Russia’s opposition and examines possible future opposition strategies.

White, David
The Not So Strange Death of Liberal Russia
The history of liberal-democratic political parties in Russia has been one of persistent electoral decline since the first post-Soviet parliamentary elections of 1993. This paper analyses a range of endogenous and exogenous factors that have contributed to this decline. It is argued that, whilst the liberal-democratic agenda does not have mass appeal in Russia, the policies of these parties have a wider potential appeal than voting figures suggest. The paper concludes that exogenous causal factors – the institutional design of Russia’s political system, the marginalisation of programmatic opposition, the problem of media access, and the huge imbalance in resources available to political parties – have played the determining role in the electoral decline of Russia’s liberal-democratic parties.

White, Stephen
People and Parties in Post-Communist Russia
Utilising recent focus group and survey data, this paper examines party identity and attitudes towards political parties amongst the Russian electorate. The paper will also focus on questions of political efficacy and the extent to which parties form a linkage between the electorate and the state in the minds of voters.

Whitmore, Sarah
Watchdogs or Show-dogs? What was the Point of Parliamentary Oversight in Putin’s Neo-patrimonial State?
Conceptualising Russia as a neopatrimonial state directs attention to the patrimonial relations that pervaded formal institutions to reveal increasing tensions within the state during Putin’s presidency. A case study of oversight practices based on multi-method qualitative analysis points to the emergence of legitimation as their key purpose, but also to the growing contradictions between the controlling and legitimating impulses of Putin’s regime because as oversight activities declined, became harder to exercise, more evidently subject to external control, and ritualised, then they became less effective as tools of regime legitimation and stabilisation. At the same time deputies responded to the changes in their status and influence by moving their resources towards the patrimonial sphere, most notably utilising oversight institutions for direct and indirect private interests, activities tolerated by the regime in exchange for political loyalty. Lobbying in various guises and degrees of legitimacy was thus also a key reason why some semblance of oversight activity remained evident under Putin, while motivations such as constituency representation and issue signalling became marginalised. Overall the meanings of oversight activity identified point to significant tensions in the state edifice which have yet to be resolved.

Wilson, James
Training in Pronunciation: an Added Bonus or a Core Component of Russian Language Programmes?
In recent years, teaching has taken a more communicative direction. Besides participating in “conventional” oral classes, students are also required to deliver prepared presentations, often working with specialised vocabulary, or participate in spontaneous role plays in Russian in various situations. However, it has been informally noted at many institutions that sections of several students’ oral reports are often incomprehensible because of poor pronunciation. Therefore, this project aims to address whether, in view of changing trends in teaching and learning, courses in Russian pronunciation should be included on undergraduate (UG) Russian language programmes. In this paper, I compare the pronunciation of students of Russian from the University of Sheffield who took module RUS3611 “The Sounds of Russian”, a theoretical phonetics course with some practical training, to that of students with no formal training in the rules of Russian pronunciation. Students at various levels were recorded reading out words and phrases from a word list intended to test particular phonological rules. The results show: (1) the benefits of a “short” phonetics course on improving students’ pronunciation and (2) the aspects of Russian pronunciation that students find most difficult. The study shows convincingly that poor pronunciation is in most cases not the result of phonetic complexity but rather unfamiliarity with basic phonetic and phonological rules and processes of Russian. The paper leads to a discussion focusing on the following questions:
Can/should training in pronunciation be made part of UG training?
When should it be introduced?
How long should it last?

Wright, Alistair S.
The Left Socialist Revolutionaries in Karelia During the Russian Civil War
The Bolsheviks were never a domineering political force in Karelia prior to July 1918. After the October revolution the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries were the leading political parties in the region, a mantle taken up, from the spring of 1918, by the Left SRs. Political tensions did grow within the Bolshevik-Left SR coalition when the treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed but nevertheless they appear to have worked relatively harmoniously up to the end of April 1918 when a power struggle for the presidium of the Olonets provincial executive committee took place. The Bolsheviks prevailed on this occasion but the Left SR’s influence in the Karelian districts remained formidable and they managed to hamper the Bolsheviks’ attempts to introduce the kombedy and the food detachments. By July 1918 the Left SRs held a majority in the Povenets, Pudozh and Olonets districts and in the Olonets provincial executive committee. This fact sparked off another power struggle between the Left SRs and the Bolsheviks within the background of the Fifth All-Russian Congress of Soviets and the ‘uprising’ of the Left SRs in Moscow. These events were highly significant for the local Left SRs and put their efforts to gain control of Olonets province as a whole in jeopardy. It was a blow from which they never recovered and marked the beginning of the party’s decline as a combination of Bolshevik maneuvering and Left SR reluctance to adjust their revolutionary principles culminated in their complete demise from local politics by the winter of 1918.

Yagodin, Dmitry
Civic Engagement Practices in the Russian Political Blogosphere

Blogs as politically unrestrained communicative spaces attract new audiences, activists and commentators. This seems to be particularly important in the context of state-controlled traditional media, as it is the case with Russia. So, the Russian Internet users have formed alternative online forums where media consumption, deliberation and, finally, civic engagement occur. The latter is understood here as an active position in problem solving practices, and it contrasts with the notion of civic disengagement – a passive observer role. Although the Russian blogosphere is being constructed around various contexts, the political one is among the most remarkable. It is especially true after the officially sanctioned blog community of the Russian president joined the blogosphere in spring 2009.This report explores participatory practices among users of political blog communities in the Russian language segment of LiveJournal with an emphasis on the concepts of civic engagement and disengagement. The analysis is based on a survey data of 999 bloggers conducted in June 2009 and follows the quantitative analytical tradition. Besides a merely descriptive introduction, the report identifies the key models of experiencing civic (dis)engagement among participants of three different blog communities, namely 1) protest movement Namarsh_ru, 2) generally oriented Ru_politcs and 3) presidential Blog_medvedev.

Young, Sarah J.
Chekhov’s “Ostrov Sakhalin” and the Dark Other: Memory, Identity and Estrangement
Anton Chekhov’s depiction of the Tsarist penal system in Sakhalin Island is famous for the author’s attempt to categorize both the inhabitants and every aspect of life on Sakhalin during his 1890 visit via a statistical approach. However, what emerges as he documents his failure to complete his census is a contrary image of the unknown and uncategorizable which questions the possibility not only of colonization by penal settlement, but also, conversely, of punishment and reform through colonization. The paper examines how the different aspects of this conundrum that Chekhov identifies, such as the nebulousness of laws, which leads to slippage between categories of convicts and settlers, impact on the sense of identity of not only the convicts, but all the inhabitants of Sakhalin, and ultimately the author as well, as his initial industrious, inquiring persona is replaced by an increasing sense of lassitude and hopelessness. The replacement of surnames by nicknames and accidental designations such as ‘Can’t remember’ becomes emblematic of the wider problem of the colonization process, the absence of cultural memory, and the erosion of the possibility of knowledge, which results from the transience of the population. Consequently, a parodic reversal of the structure of colonization becomes apparent. Far from bringing enlightenment and progress to untamed lands, the colonizers themselves—both convicts and free settlers—are reduced to a darkness which effaces difference to the extent that the subjects of Chekhov’s study can neither remember, see, nor know themselves. As questions of identity are linked to the discussion of the nature of punishment and settlement, geographical remoteness becomes a metaphor for a level of estrangement which fundamentally corrupts communication and morality.

Yurchuk, Yuliya
Shaping the Ukraine: Ukrainian Nation Building Since 1991
In the paper I focus my attention on the Ukrainian nation building process from 1991 to 2008. Speaking about national identity I base my argumentation on the theoretical findings of the main scholars representing the constructivist school. First of all, I see national identity as a three-level construct consisting of 1) the political project/model (embodied in state-building practices); 2) intellectual interpretations of the nation (which provide cohesion between past, present and future of the nation); 3) the image of the nation shared by the community. These levels are interlinked; they all affect each other to the extent that it is difficult to clear-cut their limits. In my paper I am scrutinizing how the national identity is articulated by politicians and intellectuals as well as how it is manifested in cultural artifacts (e.g. monuments, expositions, etc.). I am analyzing the dynamics of Ukrainian national discourse, which ideas of the nation prevailed over time and which ideas were repudiated. In this regard, national identity is an ever-changing reaction towards the changes in the society inside and outside the state boundaries. So we can speak about the intentionality that appears when individuals face choices as to the direction of change. But this process is not a one-way process because the national identity itself has a potential to shape the kind of reaction towards the changes (in other words, the gamut of the reactions is restricted by the identity).

Zabortseva, Yelena
Kazakhstan – Russian Relations in the Post-Soviet Era, 1991-2007
In this paper the relations between the two largest countries of the former USSR (Kazakhstan and Russia) along with their strategic courses of development will be investigated. While the multilateral foreign policy of Kazakhstan has been an integral and vital part of its national policy, targeted towards sustaining its independency; during the presidency of the first two Russian presidents (especially during Eltsin’s presidency), considerable emphasis had been placed on short-term and middle-term domestic priorities of development, leaving many bilateral issues unresolved. However, the Eurasian region, due to many factors, has inevitably shaped an important strategic agenda within the international economic and political landscape; hence its role in Russian policy has been increasing. The latter, among other factors, might change established trends with the foreign policies of these countries. Among the primary factors, influencing the bilateral relations, several are discussed: trade and investment spheres, ethnic policy, cultural connections, and geopolitical aspects and the influencing foreign policies of the countries. Particular emphasis will be placed on the importance of oil and gas in the geopolitical structure of the region and the impact of natural resources on Kazakhstan-Russia relations.

Zimmerling, Anton
BE-auxiliaries and 2P Clitic Clusters in Early Slavic Languages
The paper aims at reconstructing the present indicative BE-auxiliaries placement in Proto-Slavonic and early Slavic languages. I argue that 1st-2nd person BE-auxiliaries were clausal 2P-clitics (except for South Russian where they were VP-internal clitics) and were placed either after dative and accusative pronouns (in Old Novgorod Russian, ONR) or in front of them - this can be assumed for the prehistory of most Balcanic Slavic varieties. I claim that 3rd person auxiliaries je(st’) and su(t’) were cliticized only in the dialect period after the disintegration of Common Slavic. ONR being an innovative dialect lost overt 3rd person BE-auxiliaries before they could be cliticized. Carpatian Ukrainian shows the same development but places 1st-2nd person forms (e)m, (e)s’, sme, ste in front of clitic pronouns. The opposite extreme is exemplified by Slovene which retained overt 3rd person BE-auxiliaries but located 3sg je in the same slot with future BE-clitics derived from *bhu-stem: the latter are the youngest BE-clitics in Slovene. Disjoint placement of older 1st-2nd person BE-clitics vs younger 3rd person forms is also characteristic of Serbo-Croat, Bulgarian, Macedonian, Vojvodina Rusinsky. The latest layer of BE-clitics – future and plusquamperfect auxiliaries - invariably adjoin to the right (cf. Slovene) or left (Carpatian Ukrainian) edge of the complex auxiliary clitics + pronominal clitics. 3rd person present BE-auxiliaries likely exhibited the same features in early Slavic dialects: they adjoined to 2P-clusters from either the right or the left but could neither split clusters nor share the same slot with older 1st-2nd person BE-clitics.

Ziolo, Karolina
Teaching Polish to Heritage Speakers: Challenges and Perspectives
Increasingly more heritage speakers of Polish are enrolling at departments of Russian and Slavonic Studies and this trend is likely to continue with the high level of Polish emigration. A combination of advanced language skills and a good understanding of Polish culture (gained at home) is highly desirable and could facilitate Polish-English intellectual exchange in academia. However, gaps in heritage speakers’ language skills stop them from fully realizing their potential. Although heritage speakers are able to speak fluently on everyday topics, their writing and reading skills are usually considerably less developed. They experience problems in writing Polish and they find it difficult to comprehend more advanced texts that contain vocabulary and constructions not characteristic of everyday informal discourse. Such issues cannot be adequately dealt with in “conventional” classes of Polish for native speakers of English. Moreover, there are virtually no materials that heritage speakers can use to develop their reading and writing skills independently. Therefore, I have developed a pioneering language learning project aimed at developing heritage speakers’ reading and writing skills. In this paper, I focus on those aspects of the course that have been designed to help students develop independent learning and research skills and I present how Inquiry Based Learning (IBL) can help develop reading and writing skills at an advanced level. Although this research has been carried out with the aims of heritage speakers in mind, I hope to show that the project is beneficial to all advanced-level students of Polish.

Zvereva, Vera
New Words in Girls' Blogs: Cultural Semantics and Functions
This paper aims to study an on-going process of the Russian linguistic transformation on the Internet. It focuses on the texts of one of the most dynamic and innovative groups of new media users, that is, of teenagers. 13-17-year-old bloggers are sensitive to a cultural and linguistic fashion as well as to changes in styles of textual behavior. In their blogs, teenagers try to "stay in touch" with actual trends in use of language – creating or copying and spreading innovations, or even rejecting them for the sake of tradition and the norm. I am going to analyze shifts in lexicon and orthography in girls' on-line diaries at livejournal.com, liveinternet.ru, and blogs.mail.ru. Special attention is paid to cultural semantics of new words. What kind of meanings do these modified words convey? In the girls' texts there is an intensive interaction of elements of diverse discourses – for example, of "yazik padonkof", anime, Soviet films and cartoons, fantasy, classical poetry, pop-culture songs, the Russian political thesaurus, etc. I intend to talk about the ways in which these discursive fragments are being used to express identity of a virtual person.

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